Sacrificing Our TODAY for the World's TOMORROW
FATA is "Federally Administered Tribal Area" of Pakistan; consisting of 7 Agencies and 6 F.Rs; with a 27000 Sq Km area and 4.5 m population.
MYTH: FATA is the HUB of militancy, terrorism and unrest in Afghanistan.
REALITY: FATA is the worst "VICTIM of Militancy”. Thousands of Civilians dead & injured; Hundreds of Schools destroyed; Thousands of homes raised to ground; 40% population displaced from homes.
Showing posts with label PKPolitics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label PKPolitics. Show all posts

Saturday, March 3, 2012

Jamal Leghari PTI, Safdar Abbasi PPP, Mustafa Kamal MQM, Mushahidullah PML-N in "Lakin" with Sana Bucha (02 Mar 2012)

Mustafa Kamal MQM, Senator Mushahid Ullah Khan PML-N, Senator Jamal Khan Laghari PTI and Dr. Safdar Ali Abbasi PPP in fresh episode of Lakin in GEO News and talk with Sana Bucha.The topic of this talk show is "Senate Elections"

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Sunday, May 29, 2011

Bharat Ratan Vs Nishan-i-Pakistan: Sick Priorities of Sick Pakistani Rulers - By Wusatullah Khan - اعزازات کس کے لیے؟

بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام :Courtesy

اعزازات کس کے لیے؟

کسی ملک کے حکمراں طبقے کی سوچ پرکھنے کے کئی طریقے ہیں۔ان میں سے ایک کسوٹی ایوارڈز اور تمغوں کی تقسیم بھی ہے۔ آئیے اس تناظر میں بھارت کے اعلی ترین سول ایوارڈ بھارت رتنا اور پاکستان کے اعلی ترین سول ایوارڈ نشانِ پاکستان کی فہرست کا جائزہ لیں۔

Wednesday, May 18, 2011

General Zia's Policies and Pakistan's Dilemma - ضیاالحق نے جنرل چشتی سے کہا ’مرشد مروا نہ دینا‘

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ضیاالحق نے جنرل چشتی سے کہا ’مرشد مروا نہ دینا‘

Tuesday, May 17, 2011

Without "HEADS Rolled" over 'Abbotabad Fiasco', Pakistani public’s resentment ain’t going anywhere (Express Tribune)

Courtesy: Daily "Express Tribune, Pakistan", 18 May 2011
This affair ain’t going anywhere
By Aamer Ahmed Khan
In all mature democracies, it is the elected government that takes state institutions into confidence and not, the other way around. But let us not be sidetracked by this obvious anomaly, when trying to understand what came out of the military’s briefing of the parliamentarians over the capture and killing of Osama bin Laden on May 2, in Abbottabad.
Pakistan’s information minister told the media, after the briefing, that the parliament was aware of the tough times that the military was facing and had agreed that the nation should stand united behind its armed forces. In subsequent reports, we also heard that the chief of the ISI had told parliamentarians that, immediately, after Osama bin Laden’s killing in Abbottabad, he had accepted responsibility for the intelligence failure and offered his resignation to the army chief — which was rejected.
Interestingly, the army chief had said shortly before the briefing that the government’s failure to come up with an unambiguous explanation of the events of May 2, had led to misgivings and resentment within the public. The briefing, as such, was part of the efforts to defuse the resentment. The obvious question then is: Has the combined civil and military leadership been able to do that?

Despite the ever present Pakistani wrath against the Americans, there cannot be too many Pakistanis who seriously believe that the US can be punished by Pakistan for violating its territorial integrity. However, the fact that the question of public anger remains unresolved is clear evidence of the nation’s desire to see someone punished for the failure that has made Pakistan, and its powerful army, the butt of jokes the world over.
What seems to be puzzling millions of Pakistanis, is the inexplicable difficulty in affixing responsibility. If everyone accepts that it was an intelligence failure, and the ISI chief has accepted responsibility, then what is it that prevents the person responsible from being punished?
We are told that Osama bin Laden was in Abbottabad for about five years. That takes us to back to the current army chief’s tenure as the head of the ISI. That’s two people who have never said they are not responsible for the failure. Add the air chief, whose radars remained blank and who couldn’t scramble his jets in time, and we have the entire lot.
It is therefore understandably difficult for Pakistanis to accept how holding these three people responsible, amounts to abandoning the armed forces in their hour of need. The military is an institution that operates way above individuals. In fact, its integrity requires that individuals not up to safeguarding it, should not be asked to do so. And not being vigilant on this front is tantamount to abandoning the entire institution.
What is it, then, that makes it so difficult for an elected government to do the needful? And if public resentment over the manner in which the world’s most wanted man was hunted refuses to die down, is it because of what the Americans did on May 2, or because of what their own leadership has continued to do since?
For the outside world, it may be more important to know if Bin Laden’s presence in Abbottabad was Pakistan’s intelligence failure or wilful deception. But for Pakistanis, the more urgent question may centre upon the primacy of individuals over institutions. It may make political sense for the government to go easy on our current military leadership to ensure that the apple cart stays upright, but does it make institutional sense?
Pakistan’s civil and military leaders can come up with a million explanations but unless this question is answered honestly, the public’s resentment ain’t going anywhere.
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PPP, MQM, PML-N, Balochs; Inside Story of Army's Briefing to Pakistan's Parliament - بند کمرہ اجلاس میں سیاسی جماعتوں نے کیا کیا


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بند کمرہ اجلاس میں سیاسی جماعتوں نے کیا کیا


پارلیمنٹ کے حالیہ مشترکہ اجلاس میں دو مئی کے واقعات پر بحث تو ہوئی اور ایک قراداد کے ذریعے اس کی تحقیقات کا بھی حکم جاری کر دیا گیا لیکن مبصرین کہتے ہیں کہ ساڑھے نو گھنٹے جاری رہنے والے اس اجلاس نے فوج کے بارے میں پاکستان کی سیاسی جماعتوں کے نظریات کی بظاہر قلعی کھول کر رکھ دی ہے۔

Monday, May 16, 2011

Pakistan:Parliament Backs Pak Army and ISI amid U.S Outcry (Inter Press Service, 16 May 2011)

Courtesy: "Inter Press Service (IOS)", 16 May 2011
Parliament Backs Army and Intel Service
By Ashfaq Yusufzai
PESHAWAR, Pakistan, May 16, 2011 (IPS) - Pakistan’s Senate and National Assembly closed ranks behind the country’s prime spy agency, the Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI), which the U.S. government suspects of having harboured Al-Qaeda chief Osama bin Laden.
The Parliament also condemned the U.S. forces for entering Pakistan’s territory without the knowledge of the army or the government, when it raided bin Laden’s home in Abbottabad and then killed him on May 1.
The show of parliamentary support came after Army Staff Gen. Ashfaq Pervez Kayani and ISI’s head Ahmed Shuja Pasha appeared in a historic joint session of Parliament on May 13, the first time in 63 years that an army chief and the head of ISI presented themselves before the legislature.
The ISI has been under fire for the U.S. operation in the garrison city of Abbottabad, 60 km north of the federal capital Islamabad, where bin Laden had been living for five years.


The lawmakers threw their support behind the country’s intelligence and military forces, even as lawmakers took the ISI to task for its many faults and failures.
"We should show the world that we are united in these hard times. The ISI has its own weaknesses. They had been blackmailing politicians for a long time, but it is a matter of national prestige, and we cannot allow the U.S. to ridicule our spy agency," Javed Hashmi, a lawmaker and member of the Pakistan Muslim League (PML).
The politicians’ support for the ISI came in the form of a resolution unanimously adopted by the joint session of the Senate and National Assembly, which also condemned the U.S. for what it called the unauthorised raid on Abbottabad.
"We want the government to take a strict stance against the U.S. raid in Abbottabad because it was an encroachment on the country’s sovereignty," cricket-turned politician Imran Khan told IPS by phone.
PML lawmaker Khawaja Saad Rafiq quoted the ISI chief as saying, "The army admits its fault for not detecting the U.S. helicopters (on May 1) and I am ready to resign from my post."
The PML is headed by former prime minister Mian Nawaz Sharif who, despite being a staunch critic of the army on the issue of the Abbottabad operation, agreed on a joint resolution strongly condemning the United States for entering Pakistan’s territory without the knowledge of the army or the government.
The resolution adopted by the House also called for a review of Pakistan’s relations with the U.S. after the Abbottabad raid, besides demanding an end to U.S. drone strikes on Pakistan. In addition, it called for an independent probe into the raid by U.S. troops, to ensure that such a thing will not happen again.
Parliament’s show of support for the ISI comes just as U.S. Senator John Kerry arrived in Pakistan to meet with the country’s top leaders Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani and President Asif Ali Zardari on Sunday.
Kerry told reporters in Mazar-i-Sharif in Afghanistan on Saturday that the U.S. could carry out operations similar to the one that killed bin Laden, if they found information about Taliban’s reclusive leader Mullah Muhammad Omar.
It was smooth sailing for the army at parliament, except for one tough question from Maulana Attaur Rehman of the Jamiat Ulema Islam party. "Tell us who are supporting the Taliban and who are funding them," Rehman asked the ISI chief Pasha.
The question embarrassed Pasha, who requested the lawmaker to refrain from asking such questions because it was a matter of national interests, reports said. The Pakistan Peoples’ Party (PPP) of President Asif Ali Zardari, widower of the late former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, has also put its weight behind the army despite being known as anti-ISI.
"The PPP has always blamed the army for dismissals of its governments in the past and derailment of democracy in the country," said Akmal Khan, lecturer at the Department of Political Science University of Peshawar. "A military dictator, Gen. Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, also sent to the gallows PPP’s founder Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1979."
Khan said that the army’s only option is to take parliament into its confidence so that it could plead its case with the U.S.
"I think the ISI’s efforts to use the parliament for its face-saving will work as the politicians are still afraid of the decisive role of the army in forming the governments in Pakistan," Wakeel Shah, a student in his final year of International Relations at the University of Peshawar told IPS.
Supporters of Imran Khan’s Justice Party held a demonstration in Islamabad while the army chief was at parliament on Saturday. Imran, a strong opponent of the U.S, influence in Pakistan, also organised a two-day rally in Peshawar that stopped NATO supplies from going to Afghanistan for two days.
"We are just concerned about the country’s sovereignty and integrity. Nobody has the right to kill innocent people," Imran Khan told IPS.
"Such drone attacks must be stopped forthwith, failing which the government will be constrained to consider taking necessary steps including withdrawal of (the) transit facility allowed to NATO," the joint resolution said.
The lawmakers also called on the government "to appoint an independent commission on the Abbottabad operation, fix responsibility, and recommend necessary measures to ensure that such an incident does not recur.

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The budget and food security: Pakistan's scenario - By Dr. Akmal Hussain (Express Tribune, 16 May 2011)

Courtesy: Daily "Express Tribune, Pakistan", 16 May 2011 
The budget and food security
By Dr Akmal Hussain
If the budget is to have any relevance for the people of Pakistan, it must address the twin problems of deep recession and high inflation which, together, are causing acute distress to a large proportion of the population. A consequence of per capita GDP growth becoming negative has been a rapid rise in poverty and unemployment. At the same time, the 25 per cent food inflation rate is placing large chunks of the population into a very desperate situation. As much as 74 per cent of Pakistanis are food insecure. The challenge in the short run is that under tight budgetary constraints, fiscal space must be found to provide at least atta to the poor at an affordable price. The challenge in the medium term is to revive the economy and place it on a new growth path that is both equitable and sustainable. Let us see how the short term objective can be achieved in the next fiscal year.

Last year, the peasantry produced a food surplus and yet, food grain slipped out of the grasp of the bottom 30 per cent of small farmers, who are net buyers of grain. Also, a large proportion of the non-farm rural and urban population are now finding it difficult to buy wheat flour. It is likely that a significant proportion of the food grain that the government procured last year was lost in storage. The government is envisaging export of the six million tons that remains in its possession at a price that is now lower than the price at which it was purchased last year. It is a poignant paradox that the government is thinking of exporting food grain at a time when the majority of the population is food insecure.
It would be better economic logic to supply the surplus food grain to the poor population at an affordable price and thereby insulate them to some extent from the ravages of food inflation. This can be done by issuing plastic ration cards to each poor household that has been identified in the recent World Bank survey of poor households. This card would entitle a household to acquire 40 kilogrammes (kg) of wheat flour per month from utility stores at a fixed, subsidised price of about Rs800 for one 40 kg bag. The total cost to the government of this subsidy to 60 million poor households would be, a maximum of, Rs108 billion. This can be financed by reducing the subsidy on fertilisers which predominantly goes to the large farmers who, in any case, last year, enjoyed a selling price of Rs950 per 40 kg bag — higher than the world price. While the cost of the wheat flour is modest, the human welfare resulting from the protection of the poor from inflation would be immense.
In the medium term, the government can find the fiscal space to stimulate the economy through four measures: (i) I have estimated that Rs91.5 billion can be saved by reducing the number of unnecessary and overlapping government departments and ministries. The government needs to rightsize itself, instead of spending tax payers’ money in ‘accommodating’ its political allies and redundant government officials. (ii) Restructure and privatise public sector entities which are currently generating Rs140 billion losses, which have to be financed by the government. (iii) Reduce the existing Rs343 billion of badly targeted subsidies and refocus them to benefit the underprivileged sections of the population. (iv) The government ought to stop trading in commodities, for which it has neither the storage capacity nor the marketing skills, but on which it spent Rs450 billion last year.
The government needs to drastically cut down its wasteful expenditures on an oversized government, prevent corrupt and mismanaged public sector enterprises from haemorrhaging the exchequer, pull out from trading activities which are better done by the private sector and reduce unnecessary subsidies. This will provide the fiscal space for stimulating economic growth in the medium term and provide succour to the poor in the short term. The cry of the hungry citizens, who have no voice in the market, must be heard by the government which purports to represent them.

The writer is distinguished professor of economics at Beaconhouse National University in Lahore 
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How rich are the Pakistani rich? - By Shahid Javed Burki (Express Tribune, 16 May 2011)

Courtesy: Daily "Express Tribune, Pakistan", 16 May 2011
How rich are the Pakistani rich?
By Shahid Javed BurkiHow rich are the Pakistani rich? Incredibly so, or just what is expected in a country that has income distribution more skewed than is normal for a country at its stage of development? The questions are important since the answers to them matter for the making of public economic policy. The answers will also affect the course of political development. Some of those who are watching the explosion in the Arab streets realise that relative deprivation — a concept developed by political economists many decades ago — is playing a role in turning millions of people against the regimes that have governed them for so long. Growing income disparity and widening consumption gaps are often the source of great political alienation. The political and economic systems that give rise to them come under pressure and may — and sometimes do — collapse under the weight of political discontent. This is what we are seeing in the Middle East.

Alienation increases when the riches of the rich are seen as ill-gotten, rather that obtained through hard work and entrepreneurship. Each of the successful revolutions (Tunisia and Egypt), as well as those still unfolding (Bahrain, Libya, Yemen), in the Middle East acquired a symbol of hatred. In Tunisia, it was Leila Traboulsi, the hairdresser who became President Ben Ali’s wife and then a symbol of the extreme extravagance of the ruling family. In Egypt, it was Ahmed Ezz who was favoured by the state as he went on to acquire lucrative assets and then became a steel magnate. He had a taste for tight Italian suits and expensive neckties; he now faces trial in a white prison uniform. In Syria, it is Rami Makhlouf, first cousin and childhood friend of President Bashar alAssad and he also happens to be the country’s most powerful businessman. He used his contacts with the ruling family to acquire licenses for businesses that handed out rich rewards, including Syriatel — the country’s largest mobile phone operator. In Libya, the sons of Muammar Qaddafi have accumulated untold wealth, stashed away in bank accounts at home and abroad.
Another lesson we learn from the Middle East is that the poor normally don’t risk their lives by confronting those who constitute the political and economic establishment. They are too preoccupied with earning small amounts of money, needed to sustain life for them, to take time off for agitation. But the not-so-poor are different. While the poor don’t come in contact with the very rich, the not-so-poor do. They work in the kitchens of the rich and prepare their meals; they serve the rich at their dining tables, drive their children to school, tend their gardens and provide other services needed by the affluent.
But the question of how rich are the Pakistani rich, is not easy to answer since the country does not produce detailed data on household incomes and income distribution. We will, therefore, have to do with some derived measures using the information provided by the World Bank in World Development Indicators. The Bank’s data bank provides estimates of the shares in national income for various quintiles of the population for its member nations. Adjusting the estimates to reflect the deterioration in income distribution that has occurred in the last few years, it is safe to assume that some 42 per cent of the total national income is claimed by the top 20 per cent of the population. This means that 36 million people have a combined income of $75.6 billion, which translates into a per capita income of $2,100 or twice the national average. According to the Bank, 27 per cent of the national income goes to 18 million people, the 10 per cent who sit on top of the income pyramid. For them, the per capita income is $2,700.
Applying the same distribution for the top 10 per cent and top one per cent of the population as for the entire population, it would appear that the total income of the affluent 1.8 million people is $13.12 billion, or $7,300 per capita, and for the richest 180,000, it is close to $20,000. The super rich 18,000 people have a combined income of $1.31 billion or $72,700 per capita. Since the poorest 10 per cent of the population receives only four per cent of the total income, their income per head is only $400 per annum. These numbers begin to put some substance on the extent of relative deprivation in Pakistan. The richest 40,000 people in the country have combined income equal to that of the poorest 18 million people. The super rich — the 18,000 who make up 0.001 per cent of the population — earn 180 times as much as the poorest 18 million. Or, to put it in another way, the super rich earn in just two days what it takes the poor to earn in one year.
A significant part of the wealth from which the rich derive their incomes is unearned: It is either inherited or is obtained through graft and corruption, or has been built up on the basis of tax avoidance. The rich have found many ways to dodge the tax man. Some of their income comes from agriculture which, by law, cannot be taxed. Over the years, the tax code has been punctured with holes which the rich use to not pay their share to the state. In more progressive economic systems, the tax system is the main vehicle the governments have of introducing some income and wealth equality into the society. In the case of Pakistan the opposite is the case: The burden falls on the not-so-rich.
It is clear that for the ruling establishment to avoid the kind of upheaval that has struck the streets of the Middle East, ways will have to be found to cater to those the economic system is not serving well. The best way is to devise a tax structure that introduces some equality into a system that is highly unequal.

The writer is former vice-president of the World Bank and former finance minister of Pakistan
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Sunday, May 15, 2011

Pathetic State of Pakistan's Civil & Military Authorities after May 2 (Radio Column By Wusatullah Khan) - جنابِ والا باز آئیں!

بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام :Courtesy

جنابِ والا باز آئیں!


دو مئی کے بعد سے لوگ باگ جس طرح پریشان ہیں اس سے تو لگتا ہے جیسے کسی مشکوک ہوٹل پر چھاپہ پڑ گیا ہو۔
بیرے اپنی صفائی دے رہے ہیں، مہمان کیمرے سے منہ چھپا رہے ہیں، مینجر لاپتہ ہے اور مالک سارا الزام نچلے عملے کو دے رہا ہے۔ چھاپہ ڈالنے والے مسلسل دھمکیاں دے رہے ہیں کہ اگر ضمانتی نہیں لاؤ گے تو پکا پرچہ کٹ جائے گا۔اس دفعہ صرف مٹھی گرم کرنے سے جان نہیں چھوٹے گی۔ بتانا پڑے گا کہ یہ دھندہ کب سے چل رہا ہے۔
ہوٹل انتظامیہ صرف یہ کہہ پارہی ہے کہ

Thursday, May 12, 2011

Visas for Americans (including undercover CIA sleuths) create rifts in Pakistan (Reuters, 12 May 2011)

Courtesy: "Reuters", 12 May 2011
"Reuters" Exclusive: Visas for Americans create rifts in Pakistan
By Michael Georgy
ISLAMABAD
(Reuters) - Pakistan's civilian government issued visas to more than 400 Americans without army security clearances starting in early 2010, possibly enabling the CIA to boost its presence, in a move that angered the powerful military.
Details of the visa decision emerged after U.S. Navy SEALs killed Osama bin Laden in his compound in the garrison town of Abbottabad on May 2, straining already uneasy ties between strategic allies Islamabad and Washington.
The granting of the visas has also fueled tension between the military and the unstable nuclear-armed country's civilian leaders, whose relations are uneasy at the best of times.
Pakistani cooperation is crucial for U.S. efforts to combat Islamist militants and bring stability to Afghanistan.
However, the United States has had doubts about Islamabad's commitment and, given the contacts that Pakistan's spy agency has had with Islamist militants in the past, almost certainly uses its own operatives to collect intelligence in the country.
Pakistani diplomatic missions in Washington, the United Arab Emirates and London issued the visas after the government came under intense pressure from the United States, officials said.
"At the end of 2009, a special presidential order was issued to give 7,000 visas and the same order was passed through the prime minister's office to Mr. Haqqani," a senior Pakistani security official told Reuters, referring to Pakistan's ambassador in the United States, Husain Haqqani.
"On the basis of these orders, the visas which were valid for three to six months were issued without the scrutiny or routine security clearance of the ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence)."
The ISI is the military's main spy agency.
About 450 of those visas were issued to the CIA, the security official said.
A spokeswoman for President Asif Ali Zardari declined to comment on details of the visa decision, saying only that security clearance was not always needed from the army.
The army did not respond to a request for information on the visas, but a senior security official said "We lost control of CIA operatives in Pakistan."
Army generals, who have ruled Pakistan for more than half of its history, largely direct security and foreign policy even when civilian administrations are in power, as is the case now, and they do not like to be challenged on those agendas.
MILITARY "HOPPING MAD"
Ties between the United States and Pakistan reached a low point this year after Raymond Davis, a CIA contractor and former U.S. special forces member, shot dead two Pakistanis in the city of Lahore in January.
Davis, who said he acted in self defense, was freed in March after "blood money" -- compensation to the families of those killed -- was paid.
Ayesha Siddiqa, author of "Military Inc," a book on the military's economic might, said it was clear why army chief Ashfaq Kayani and the head of the ISI were "hopping mad" over the Davis case.
"Because somebody in the Pakistani political government had allowed X number of CIA operatives to come into Pakistan and set up parallel operations to sneak into what was going on," she told Reuters.
A second security official said the military was angered by the move and as a result the number of Americans in the country that had received the visas has been reduced by 50 percent. But those who remained were cause for concern.
"This will affect the already tense relations between the two countries. This indicates the lack of trust and mutual understanding, which will ultimately benefit the militants and extremist elements inside Pakistan," he said.
"They (the security establishment) lost track of most of the people who came in. Their missions were not clearly stated."
A former Interior Ministry official said it had been bypassed as well when the visas were issued. Haqqani said the issue had been blown out of proportion.
"Also, the 7000 figure is incorrect & official records prove hype on subject is totally fabricated. All procedures followed," he said on his Twitter page on May 8.
The U.S. embassy declined comment on suggestions the visas may have enabled the CIA to expand its presence in Pakistan, which receives billions of dollars in U.S. military aid.
"We submit full and complete visa applications to the government of Pakistan. We comply in providing the information requested," said an embassy spokeswoman.
U.S. officials have complained in the past about hundreds of Pakistani visa delays, saying this could hamper aid intended to stabilize the Islamabad government and help Pakistan's people.
Islamabad has cut by more than half a visa backlog affecting U.S. officials and contractors needed to run American aid programs aimed at combating extremism there, a State Department official said in March of last year.
Former Finance Ministry advisor Sakib Sherani said U.S. officials made visa requests for people needed to audit requests made under a Coalition Support Fund that was established after the September 11, 2001, attacks on the United States to reimburse Pakistan for help in fighting militancy.
That account was confirmed by the second senior security official.
"We resisted and said 'you don't need 450 (to audit the fund requests)'. Then they said they needed other technical people," said Sherani, who said he took part in some of the discussions.
An intelligence official in Lahore said Pakistani authorities began to get suspicious after they noticed a large number of people who appeared to be Americans driving bullet-proof sports utility vehicles.


(Additional reporting by Kamran Haider, John Chalmers, Chris Allbritton and Mark Hosenball in Washington; Editing by Robert Birsel
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Lahore High Court urges Zardari to leave PPP Chairman Slot - ’صدر سیاسی سرگرمیاں ترک کر دیں‘

بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام :Courtesy

’صدر سیاسی سرگرمیاں ترک کر دیں‘

لاہور ہائی کورٹ نے صدرِ پاکستان آصف علی زرداری سے کہا ہے کہ وہ اپنی سیاسی سرگرمیاں روک دیں۔
عدالت نے یہ بات جمعرات کو صدر کے دو عہدوں کے خلاف درخواست کے سماعت کے بعد اپنے فیصلے میں کہی ہے۔
صدر زردای ملک کے صدر ہونے کے ساتھ ساتھ پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی کے شریک چیئرپرسن بھی ہیں۔

Dismal record of Pakistan's federal cabinet - By Ansar Abbasi (The News, 12 May 2011)

Courtesy: Daily "The News", 12 May 2011
The dismal record of the federal cabinet
By Ansar Abbasi
ISLAMABAD: The federal cabinet under Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani met around 70 times during the last three years but not even once it exclusively reviewed the post-9/11 Musharraf’s policy on war on terror and its fallout and the growing incidents of breach of Pakistan’s sovereignty.
A glance at the issues as discussed in the cabinet meetings under Gilani and reflected by the media following the government’s own press briefings or press releases, shows that this top decision making body of the government has little or no interest in critical issues which are said to be entirely delegated to the defence establishment. The question of war on terrorthough did crop up in some of these cabinet meetings, not for the purpose of reviewing the strategies but mostly in reference to its negative impact on the country’s economy.
Extremely on rare occasions, the media was told about the cabinet’s discussion on drone attacks but there has never been any strategy announced how to get these drone attacks stopped to restore the sovereignty of Pakistan. The cabinet did not say even once that these drones must be stopped forthwith. The cabinet also never showed any interest to ask for the covert deals between Pakistan and Washington agreed following 9/11.

In one of the cabinet meetings, it was claimed that the cabinet discussed the proposal to tap all diplomatic sources to stop the continuing drone attacks inside the Pakistani territory but without any follow up. Later the cabinet was never told about such diplomatic efforts or their outcome.
In one of the cabinet meetings, the prime minister was reported to have told the cabinet that the government would formulate its strategy on preventing the drone attacks on the recommendations of the parliamentary committee on national security but even this assurance of the prime minister evaporated in the air.
In one of the cabinet meetings, the cabinet did say that the drone attacks constitute attack on Pakistan’s sovereignty and these are counter-productive to the objectives of fight against terrorism but it never condemned the US for these attacks.
Terrorism otherwise has though been discussed in these cabinet meetings but mainly surrounding the major terror incidents but without much outcome. For example in the wake of terrorist attack on the Marriott Hotel, Islamabad, Prime Minister Gilani showed his dissatisfaction over the overall law and order situation in the country and reaffirmed the government’s commitment to fight terrorism. He urged for an effective strategy to deal with terrorist incidents in a more coordinated manner in order to provide an environment of peace and security to the people of Pakistan.
Later in another cabinet meeting of 2008 the cabinet decided to constitute a special squad to counter terrorism and the National Counter-Terrorism Authority (Nacts) would be exclusively tasked to counter this menace. In 2011, following a cabinet meeting the information minister announced that the cabinet had disapproved a draft of the National Counter-Terrorism Authority bill and called for improvement to make it more acceptable.
In 2009, the cabinet decided to institute Prime Minister’s Special Fund for Victims of Terrorism with an initial contribution of Rs20 million from the cabinet members. The cabinet members also announced to contribute their one-month salary to the fund for the victims of terrorism in Swat
The cabinet also decided to contact all the political forces and members of the civil society to hold peace marches in different parts of the country against terrorists and terrorism. “It has been decided that the group of ministers would meet political leadership to muster their support for the cause, which the government is pursuing in the larger interest of the country,” the prime minister added but rarely such peace marches were witnessed.
In mid-2009, the cabinet was informed that the economic growth rate at present was mere 2.5 percent mainly because of heavy expenses on the war on terrorism and it was a source of concern for the government. Later in another cabinet meeting, it was said that Pakistan was fighting its own war against terrorism and it would continue till the elimination of terrorism from the country.
In some of the cabinet meetings the incidents of bomb blasts and suicide bombings in different cities including Lahore and Karachi were condemned with usual resolve that the government with the active support of the people would continue to wage a struggle against the menace of terrorism. The cabinet has been paying rich tributes to members of law enforcing agencies for their sacrifices in this war.
In one of the cabinet meetings, the prime minister took the credit of his government having successfully fighting a war against terrorism with the help of valiant security forces and the people of Pakistan.
It was in 2011 following the killing of the then Minister for Minority Affairs Shahbaz Bhatti that the cabinet decided to reshape the government’s counter-terrorism strategy and remove all the security loopholes to take more offensive measures against the terrorists, who have changed their strategy by adopting the new trend of target killings. But it was never disclosed to the people what strategy was actually evolved later.
In that particular cabinet meeting the routine agenda was suspended by the prime minister, who issued directives to the Interior Ministry to beef up security of ministers, top politicians and the parliamentary heads of political parties in parliament, and affirmed in clear terms that no security breach of the top political leaders would be tolerated at any cost.
On one occasion Prime Minister Gilani during the cabinet meeting showed his dissatisfaction over the overall law and order situation in the country and reaffirmed the government’s commitment to fight terrorism. He again urged for an effective strategy to deal with terrorist incidents in a more coordinated manner in order to provide an environment of peace and security to the people of Pakistan. The required strategy, however, was never shared with the people.

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Pro Army rally in Islamabad raises eyebrows (The News, 12 May 2011)

Courtesy: Daily "The News", 12 May 2011
Pro-Army rally in capital raises many eyebrows
By Usman ManzoorISLAMABAD: Wednesday’s Musharraf-styled demonstration by government schoolchildren and employees of the Capital Development Authority (CDA) in support of the Pakistan Army, has raised many eyebrows and the question of who was behind this campaign. The rally paid tributes to the COAS and ISI.
Three days ago, an ad was published in almost all the leading national dailies, defending the institutions of national security but the quarter page colour ad, which cost millions, had basic mistakes like that when on September 11, 2001 about 3,000 people were killed in USA during the government of Democratic Party, neither the people of USA nor the Republican Party asked for the resignations of US president or CIA chief.
The correct position is this that there was the government of Republican Party in USA and not of Democratic Party at the time of the attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon on September 11, 2001 by some al-Qaeda activists.

The important thing in the Wednesday’s rally, which started from the Press Club, Islamabad, and ended at the D-Chowk, was that it started when PML-N chief Nawaz Sharif was about to announce his party’s version over the Abbottabad operation and it ended when Nawaz Sharif ended his press conference.
The participants of the rally were schoolchildren, who did not know for what purpose they were brought to the Press Club and CDA’s labourers, who ought not to refuse any call given by their leader Ch Yaseen, who was leading the rally.
When contacted, CDA’s Labour Leader Ch Yaseen said that no one had asked him to stage this rally and he arranged it on his own. He confirmed that the participants of the rally were schoolchildren and CDA’s employees. He added that the ‘civil society’ was also present in the rally.
“This is not the time to demoralise the Pakistan Army,” Yaseen held. He mentioned that it was the time to counter the propaganda being hurled by India and CIA. However, he could not tell this correspondent about the said propaganda.
He said that there was no distance between Pak Army and Pakistani nation. “The main aim of our rally was to boost the morale of the Army and to condemn the Abbottabad operation as it was against the sovereignty of Pakistan,” said Yaseen, adding: “We have full confidence in our intelligence agencies and Army.”
When asked who was to blame for the Abbottabad operation, Yaseen replied that Pak Army would brief parliament in an in-camera session. When asked how he would know about the briefing as it would be an in-camera session and nothing would be made public, he said it was true but ‘we must help our Army’. He said that 90 percent of the people in Pakistan say that there was no Osama in Abbottabad. When asked that Pakistan Army had confirmed the presence of OBL in Abbottabad, Yaseen could only smile.
He also mentioned that the nation was concerned over the intelligence failure but there were intelligence failures on 9/11 and in Mumbai as well. When asked that if terrorism attacks are the only intelligence failures, then Pakistan suffers a terrorism attack every second day, Yaseen had no answer. 

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Wednesday, May 11, 2011

Nawaz Sharif demands CJ Judicial Probe into Abbotabad Operation - چیف جسٹس کی سربراہی میں عدالتی کمیشن کے قیام کا مطالبہ

بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام :Courtesy

چیف جسٹس کی سربراہی میں عدالتی کمیشن کے قیام کا مطالبہ

پاکستان مسلم لیگ (ن) کے قائد میاں نواز شریف نے حکومت سے مطالبہ کیا ہے کہ وہ پاکستان میں اسامہ بن لادن کی موجودگی اور ایبٹ آباد میں امریکی آپریشن کی تحقیقات کے لیے چیف جسٹس آف پاکستان کی سربراہی میں اعلٰی عدالتی کمیشن تشکیل دے۔
اسامہ بن لادن کی ہلاکت پر خصوصی ضمیمہ
اسلام آباد میں مسلم لیگ کی مرکزی آرگنائزنگ کمیٹی اور پارلیمانی کمیٹی کے مشترکہ اجلاس کے بعد ایک پریس کانفرنس میں میاں نواز شریف نے مطالبہ کیا کہ یہ کمیشن تین دن میں تشکیل دیا جائے جو اکیس دن کی مدت میں تحقیقات مکمل کر کے پارلیمان کو اپنی رپورٹ پیش کرے۔

انہوں نے کہا کہ چیف جسٹس افتخار محمد چوہدری کی سربراہی میں بنائے جانے والے اس کمیشن میں چاروں صوبوں اور اسلام آباد ہائی کورٹ کے سربراہان بھی شامل ہونے چاہیئیں اور اسے کسی بھی سرکاری ملازم یا ایسے فرد کو طلب کرنے کا اختیار دیا جانا چاہیے جو تحقیقات میں مددگار ثابت ہو سکے۔
میاں نواز شریف نے کہا کہ ایبٹ آباد آپریشن متعلق اداروں کی بدترین غفلت اور کوتاہی ہے جسے کسی صورت نظرانداز نہیں کیا جا سکتا۔
ان کا کہنا تھا کہ وہ حکومت کی جانب سے ایڈجوٹنٹ جنرل کی سربراہی میں اس واقعے کی تحقیقات کرنے والی کمیٹی کو رد کرتے ہیں کیونکہ معاملے کی وسعت اور گہرائی کا احاطہ اس کمیٹی کے بس کی بات نہیں۔
نواز شریف نے کہا کہ انہوں نے ایک خط میں وزیراعظم پاکستان سے اعلیٰ عدالتی کمیشن کی تشکیل کا مطالبہ کیا ہے جس میں نہ صرف ان سے کہا گیا ہے کہ یہ کمیشن پاکستان میں القاعدہ کے سربراہ اسامہ بن لادن کی موجودگی اور دو مئی کو ایبٹ آباد میں امریکی آپریشن کے مکمل حقائق کا پتہ چلائے بلکہ اس معاملے سے نمٹنے میں سول اور عسکری حکام کی ناکامی کا بھی جائزہ لے۔
پاکستان مسلم لیگ (ن) کے قائد کے مطابق یہ کمیشن اس کی بھی تحقیقات کرے کہ آیا امریکہ کو پاکستانی سرزمین پر اس قسم کی کارروائیوں کی اجازت دینے کے بارے میں کوئی معاہدہ موجود ہے اور اگر ایسا ہے تو کیا ایسے معاہدے قانونی اور آئینی طور پر جائز ہیں۔
انہوں نے کہا کہ ’اس واقعے نے مسلح افواج کے مورال کو متاثر کیا ہے اور نہ صرف پوری دنیا میں ہماری رسوائی ہوئی ہے بلکہ پاکستان کو عالمی کٹہرے میں کھڑا کر دیا گیا ہے‘۔
نواز شریف کا کہنا تھا کہ ’یہ قوم کے لیے لمحۂ فکریہ ہے کہ جو ایجنسیاں سیاستدانوں کے تعاقب میں لگی رہتی ہیں اور سیاسی شطرنج کھیلنے میں مصروف ہیں وہ اپنی ناک کے نیچے نہیں دیکھ سکتیں‘۔
ان کا کہنا تھا کہ پاکستان کو اس صورتحال کے اسباب باہر سے نہیں بلکہ اندر سے تلاش کرنا ہوں گے اور ’اگر پاکستانیوں نےخود اپنے گریبان میں نہ جھانکا تو دوسروں کا ہاتھ ہمارے گریبان پر ہوگا‘۔
اس سوال پر کہ اگر حکومت ان کے مطالبے پر عمل نہیں کرتی تو ان کا ردعمل کیا ہوگا، میاں نواز شریف کا کہنا تھا کہ اگر حکومت کمیشن کے قیام سے گریز کرتی ہے تو اس مطلب یہ ہے کہ نہ اسے معاملے کی سنگینی اور نہ اٹھارہ کروڑ عوام کے جذبات کا احساس ہے۔
انہوں نے کہا کہ اگر یہ کمیشن قائم نہ کیا گیا تو اس صورت میں مشاورت کے بعد لائحۂ عمل کا فیصلہ کیا جائے گا۔

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Pakistan government skipping chance to weaken army (Associated Press, 11 May 2011)

Courtesy: "Associated Press", 11 May 2011
Pakistan government skipping chance to weaken army

ISLAMABAD (AP) -- The U.S. raid that killed Osama bin Laden gave Pakistan's weak civilian government a rare chance to wrest some power away from an influential military establishment that suddenly faced unusual public criticism over its failure to detect the al-Qaida leader and prevent the foreign incursion.
Instead, the ruling party is defending the army and allowing it to investigate its own intelligence fiasco, undermining the notion that Pakistan's elected leaders will ever be able to assert their full authority in a country prone to military coups. The civilians' timidity doesn't bode well for U.S. and Pakistani hopes that the nuclear-armed nation will evolve into a stable democracy.
"The civilian-military imbalance is the greatest threat to Pakistani democracy. It is also the issue the civilian politicians are least capable of tackling," said Cyril Almeida, a prominent Pakistani commentator.

It's not easy for the ruling Pakistan People's Party to take on the army, even as the military brass reel from the humiliation of the U.S. raid.
The May 2 Navy SEALs operation in Abbottabad left bin Laden and at least four others dead, giving the U.S. a huge victory against al-Qaida. Pakistan's military said it had no warning of the raid, disappointing many citizens, some of whom said the army and intelligence chiefs should resign.
The popular uproar was extraordinary in a country where many live in fear of the security forces.
But the civilian government itself is deeply unpopular. It is generally regarded as less competent than - and at least as corrupt as - the military. Its failure to address the pressing problems in Pakistan - a struggling economy, chronic power shortages, deteriorating security - has disillusioned many Pakistanis who were thrilled to see it take power three years ago after nearly a decade of military rule.
At this point, the government's sole focus appears to be surviving for a full five-year term. That would be a historic achievement for a democratically elected government in the nation's 63 years of existence, but one which apparently has left the current administration too nervous to challenge the generals.
The wariness showed in the changing messages that have emanated from Islamabad since the raid on bin Laden's compound north of the capital. At first, the country's civilian leaders declared bin Laden's killing a great victory. But within days, the Foreign Ministry had issued a statement that slammed the U.S. for violating Pakistan's sovereignty and warned against any future raids. The army issued a similar warning.
At the same time, the military appeared to launch a subtle campaign to shift the blame to the civilians.
Former Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi, a People's Party member who has tangled with the party leadership and is believed to be close to the military, publicly called on President Asif Ali Zardari and Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani to resign. That raised many eyebrows considering Gilani and Zardari have essentially no control over security issues, and have ceded to the army much of the country's foreign policy as well.
On Monday, Gilani addressed Pakistan's parliament in a speech that appeared heavily influenced by the military and the army-run spy network. Although he said bin Laden's death was "indeed justice done," he also heaped praise on his nation's armed forces and its Inter-Services Intelligence agency. He said "all the intelligence agencies of the world" failed in allowing bin Laden to hide in a garrison town Pakistan.
Instead of appointing an independent, or at least civilian-led, panel to probe the debacle, he said the military would handle the investigation.
That drew criticism from some Pakistanis, who noted that the military does not have much of a history of holding its leadership accountable for mistakes.
For instance, in 1999, then-army chief Pervez Musharraf masterminded an operation at Kargil, a Pakistani push into the Indian-held part of Kashmir. The offensive nearly brought the nuclear-armed neighbors to war, but Musharraf kept his job, and later that year ousted the civilian government.
"The history of heads rolling and the history of people being held to account is not a very bright one in Pakistan," said Ayaz Amir, an opposition lawmaker.
Some were hoping Gilani would push for a rethink of Pakistan's entire security policy, which many critics say is too focused on archrival India instead of the threat from Islamist insurgents threatening the Pakistani state. Pakistan's army has fought three wars with India, including one in 1971 that saw Pakistan's eastern flank break off and become Bangladesh.
"Gilani did not take this opportunity to launch a kind of transformation or sort of commission that this country desperately requires," said Mosharraf Zaidi, a Pakistani columnist. "So I think Pakistanis, in general, continue to be confused and continue to want real answers instead of rhetoric."
In many ways, the most frustrating thing for many Pakistanis is watching the one institution that seemed all-powerful in their downtrodden, struggling country, be so spectacularly hoodwinked by the United States. But it's also tough to watch the men and women they elect flounder.
"The common man is really pissed off. They've lost faith," said Khawaja Asif, an opposition lawmaker. "You can't imagine how sad they are feeling."
---
Nahal Toosi can be reached at http://twitter.com/nahaltoosi . Associated Press writer Deb Riechmann contributed to this report.


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Tuesday, May 10, 2011

Gilani disappoints nation, pleases US - By Ansar Abbasi (The News, 10 May 2011)

Courtesy: Daily "The News", 10 May 2011
Gilani disappoints nation, pleases US
By Ansar Abbasi
ISLAMABAD: Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani sees no wrong, feels no shame, wishes no change and gives no hope. Business is as usual for him as he tries to assure us that even today we are a proud nation.
Gilani’s speech in the National Assembly, eight days after the May 2 shame, proves yet again the incompetence and lack of vision of the political leadership in whose hands lies the destiny of this poor nation.
The speech, its tone and tenor made it clear that there is nothing much to worry about and that things would continue to be run in the same fashion as in the past three years. The May 2 debacle is though generally considered as the most serious after the fall of Dhaka in 1971 and has hung the nation’s head in shame, Gilani did not feel so.


He merely referred to the UN conventions that talk of respecting every state’s sovereignty but did not say that it has been breached by the United States Navy commandos on May 2. The prime minister did not feel that it was a shame for the nation, therefore, he avoided any censure, condemnation or protest against this. Asking Washington to apologise for this gross violation of Pakistan’s sovereignty is simply unthinkable for a leader like Gilani.
As if nothing serious has happened, he did not set up any high-powered judicial commission to inquire into the matter and left it entirely for the Army to probe the incident. Gilani simply endorsed what the Army Chief General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani has already ordered - an internal ordinary inquiry. Gilani, however, had the privilege to announce the name of Lt Gen Javed Iqbal, the adjutant general, who has been notified by the GHQ to hold inquiry.
The PM did not feel the need to even utter a word about the growing demand for his and President Zardari’s resignation for their incompetence to lead the nation. On the contrary he even covered up the serious failures in our intelligence and defence systems.
He briefly talked of intelligence failure on part of the ISI but spoke at length to justify the same by underlining that it happens with every intelligence agency of the world. He also said that failing to locate Osama in Abbottabad is the collective failure of all the intelligence agencies including the Americans.
Gilani did not admit that there was any defence failure whether in detecting the intruder US Navy Seals or countering them militarily. He instead reposed his full confidence in the defence forces and the ISI, termed them as national assets but did not explain why then the inquiry was being held.
Initial of part of his written speech in English was clearly meant for Washington, which was candidly reminded of the US role in encouraging Islamists like Osama to come and wage jehad against former Soviet Union. He also expected the US to see its face in the mirror of history and have a look into the twists and turns that it made. But despite all this candid, though indirect, talk Gilani assured his full support to America’s controversial so-called war on terror.
While the nation after May 2 is expecting the government to revisit the post 9/11 policies and evolve a joint strategy on the basis of home grown solution to what Pakistan faces today, Gilani resolved to continue with the US’s war on terror. He ruled out convening of the all parties conference for a much required national consensus on war on terror policy as well as Pak-US relations that are so gravely tilted in Washington’s favour that Pakistan does not look like an independent state anymore.
For Gilani there is no cause for anxiety as far as the Pak-US relations are concerned. The Premier, who in his excitement over Abbottabad operation had termed it a great victory, showed his trust in Parliament, referred to the convening of the joint session of both the Houses and assured the nation that the will of people would prevail through Parliament. He also talked of his past trust in Parliament but conveniently ignored the fact that the 2008 consensus resolution passed by Parliament against drone attacks and seeking independent foreign policy remains unimplemented even today despite a lapse of over 30 months.
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PML-N and Sharifs at Crossroads in Post Bin Laden Scenario (BBC Urdu) - شریفوں میں اختلاف رائے

بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام :Courtesy
شریفوں میں اختلاف رائے
آصف فاروقی
دو مئی کا دن پاکستان مسلم لیگ نواز کے لیے بارہ اکتوبر سے اگر زیادہ تباہ کن نہیں تھا تب بھی ان تازہ واقعات کے اثرات پاکستان کی دوسری سب سے بڑی سیاسی جماعت کے مستقبل پر اہم نقوش چھوڑ گئے ہیں۔
بارہ اکتوبر انیس سو ننانوے کو فوجی بغاوت کے باعث نواز شریف اقتدار سے محروم کر کے جیل میں بند کر دیئے گئے تھے۔
دو مئی دو ہزار گیارہ کا آغاز امریکی صدر براک اوباما کے اس اعلان کے ساتھ ہوا کہ ایبٹ آباد میں ایک امریکی حملے میں القاعدہ سربراہ اسامہ بن لادن کو ہلاک کر دیا گیا ہے جبکہ اسلام آباد میں شام ڈھلے حزب اختلاف کی جماعت پاکستان مسلم لیگ ق کے ارکان نے وفاقی کابینہ کے ارکان کے طور پر حلف اٹھایا۔

ان دو واقعات نے مسلم لیگ نواز کو ایسے دوراہے پر لا کھڑا کیا ہے جہاں پر یہ جماعت راستے کے انتخاب میں نا صرف ہچکچاہٹ کا شکار ہے بلکہ پارٹی قیادت میں سمت کے تعین پر گہرے اختلافات اس معاملے کو زیادہ پیچیدہ بنا رہے ہیں۔
مسلم لیگ کے صدر شہباز شریف اپنے بڑے بھائی اور پارٹی راہبر میاں نواز شریف کو قائل کرنے میں ناکامی کے بعد پارٹی کے دیگر راہنماؤں سے انفرادی حیثیت میں رابطے کر کے انہیں یہ یقین دلانے کی کوشش کر رہے ہیں کہ بری فوج کے سربراہ جنرل اشفاق پرویز کیانی ایبٹ آباد میں امریکی مداخلت سے آگاہ نہیں تھے لہذا انہیں اس معاملے پر ہدف تنقید بنانا درست نہیں۔
پارٹی قائد نواز شریف پیپلز پارٹی کے مسلم لیگ ق سے اتحاد اور سیاسی طور پر مسلم لیگ نواز کو تنہا کرنے کی بعض دیگر کوششوں کا ذمہ دار مسلح افواج کے انٹیلی جنس ادارے آئی ایس آئی اور کسی حد تک فوج کو سمجھتے ہیں اور اسی بنا پر ان اداروں کو کسی قسم کی غیر ضروری چھوٹ دینے کے حق میں نہیں ہیں۔
اس نکتے پر پارٹی کے کون سے اہم راہنما کس بھائی کے مؤقف کے حق میں ہیں اور کسے زیادہ حمایت حاصل ہے، یہ حقیقیت ابھی تک طے نہیں ہو سکی کیونکہ بیشتر مسلم لیگی راہنما ابھی تک اس بارے میں کھل کر اپنے دلی جذبات کا اظہار کرنے سے احتراز کر رہے ہیں۔
سوموار کی شام قومی اسمبلی میں قائد حزب اختلاف چوہدری نثار علی خان کی تقریر نے البتہ یہ ظاہر کر دیا ہے کہ جب تک پارٹی قیادت اس بارے میں کسی حتمی نتیجے پر نہیں پہنچتی، عبوری طور پر نواز شریف کے مؤقف کو مقدم رکھا جائے گا۔
اس دوران حتمی پارٹی پالیسی کی تیاری کے لیے پارٹی کے اندر محدود سطح پر مشاورتی عمل کا آغاز کیا جا چکا ہے۔
منگل کے روز اسلام آباد کے پنجاب ہاؤس میں مسلم لیگ نواز کی پارلیمانی پارٹی اور مرکزی مجلس عاملہ کے مشترکہ اجلاس کے بعد اہم راہنماؤں کا غیر رسمی اجلاس منعقد کیا گیا۔
بعد میں ہونے والے اجلاس میں اس متنازعہ معاملے کو زیربحث لایا گیا جبکہ پارٹی کے باقاعدہ فورمز کو اس بحث میں حصہ لینے کا شرف حاصل نہیں ہو سکا۔
شاید یہی وجہ تھی کہ منگل کے روز پارٹی کا اجلاس بے نتیجہ ختم ہو گیا۔

شہباز شریف فارمولا۔

مسلم لیگ کے صدر اور ملک کے سب سے بڑے صوبے پنجاب کے وزیراعلیٰ شہباز شریف کی بری فوج کے موجودہ سربراہ جنرل اشفاق پرویز کیانی سے روابط ڈھکے چھپے ہیں اور نہ دونوں جانب سے ایسا کرنے کی کوشش کی گئی ہے۔ گاہے بگاہے ہونے والی ان ملاقاتوں کے باعث شہباز شریف کے بارے میں سیاسی پنڈتوں میں یہ گمان پایا جاتا ہے کہ وہ اپنے بھائی کی نسبت ملٹری اسٹیبلشمنٹ کے لیے زیادہ قابل قبول ہیں۔ لیکن یہ معاملہ ابھی قبل از وقت دکھائی دیتا ہے۔ سر دست بات ہورہی کہ ہے ملک کو درپیش سنگین صورتحال پر شہباز شریف کے مؤقف کی جو خاصا دلچسپ ہے۔
شہباز شریف کا مؤقف عام فہم اور پاکستانی سیاسی حقائق پر مبنی ہے۔ وہ دو باتیں کہتے ہیں۔ ایک تو یہ کہ وہ حلفاً یہ بات کہنے کے لیے تیار ہیں کہ جنرل کیانی کو ایبٹ آباد میں امریکی دراندازی کا پیشگی علم نہیں تھا۔ اب جنرل کیانی سے ان کی مراد کیا ہے؟ یہ ابھی واضح نہیں ہے۔ کیا وہ پوری ملٹری اسٹیبلشمنٹ کو اس واقعے سے بری الذمہ قرار دے رہے ہیں؟ یہ کہنا مشکل ہے۔
دوسرا ان کا کہنا ہے کہ اس واقعے کے بعد ملٹری اسٹیبلشمنٹ اور حکومت کے درمیان پیدا ہونے والی مبینہ کشیدگی میں انہیں پیپلز پارٹی کی حکومت کا ساتھ دینے سے بچنا چاہئے۔
یعنی ایبٹ آباد آپریشن پر مسلم لیگ نواز کو اپنی توپوں کا رخ جی ایچ کیو کے بجائے ایوان صدر کی طرف رکھنا چاہئے۔

نواز شریف کی مستقل مزاجی۔

نواز شریف اس بارے میں جو مؤقف رکھتے ہیں اسے کم سے کم الفاظ میں ان کی مستقل مزاجی کا مظہر قرار دیا جا سکتا ہے۔ نواز شریف کے بارے میں ان کی پارٹی کے راہنما برملا کہتے ہیں کہ وہ بارہ اکتوبر کے بعد اپنے ساتھ پاکستانی فوجی افسران کے ہتک آمیز رویے کو بھلا نہیں پائے۔ شاید یہی وجہ ہے کہ اپنے چھوٹے بھائی شہباز شریف کی طرح وہ پاکستان کی فوجی قیادت کے ساتھ راہ و رسم بڑھانے سے کتراتے رہے۔ اسی لیے ان کے مؤقف میں لچک کی کمی دکھائی دیتی ہے۔
پہلی بات تو یہ کہ جائز یا نا جائز، وہ سیاسی حکومت کے مقابلے میں اب بھی فوجی سربراہ کی کھلی حمایت کرنے کے حق میں نہیں۔ دوسرے وہ یہ سمجھتے ہیں کہ صدر آصف علی زرداری پچھلے ایک سال سے جو سیاسی چال بازیاں کر کے انہیں خاص طور پر صوبہ پنجاب میں کمزور کرنے کی کوششیں کر رہے ہیں، اس میں انہیں فوج یا کم از کم آئی ایس آئی کی مدد حاصل ہے۔
مثال کے طور پر وہ مسلم لیگ ق کی حکومت میں شمولیت کو پیش کرتے ہیں۔ نواز شریف کا خیال ہے کہ ق لیگ کی پیپلز پارٹی سے الحاق میں آئی ایس آئی نے فیصلہ کن کردار ادا کیا ہے۔
یہ بات تو خیر شہباز شریف اور ان کے مؤقف کے حامی بھی تسلیم کرتے ہیں کہ صوبہ پنجاب میں ان کی جماعت کو نقصان پہنچانے کے لیے تحریک انصاف کو منظم کرنے اور اس کے سربراہ عمران خان کو مقبول بنانے کی کوششیں کی جا رہی ہیں۔
پاکستان مسلم لیگ نواز اس مخمصے کی کیفیت سے کب تک نکل پائے گی اور کون سا راستہ منتخب کرے گی یہ تو جلد یا بدیر واضح ہو ہی جائے گا۔ لیکن مبصرین سمجھتے ہیں کہ مسلم لیگ نواز کو اگلے انتخابات سے قبل سیاسی مقبولیت کی بلندیوں تک پہنچے کے لیے اس دو راہے میں کسی کوئی تیسرا راستہ نکالنا ہو گا۔
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Monday, May 9, 2011

Shameless Rulers of Shameless Nation - Eye Opener Column By Wusatullah Khan (BBC Urdu) - مجھے بات نہیں کرنی!

 بی بی سی اردو ڈاٹ کام :Courtesy

مجھے بات نہیں کرنی!

مجھے آج ایسے ممالک اور معاشروں کی بات ہی نہیں کرنی جو دو ہزار گیارہ کی دنیا میں بھی دائرے میں چلتے رہنے کو سفر جانتے ہیں، کنوئیں میں پڑے کتے پر کپڑا ڈال کے سمجھتے ہیں کہ پانی پاک ہوگیا، گندگی کے ڈھیر کو پہاڑی کی شکل دے کر اسے خوشبودار مٹی سے لیپ دیتے ہیں۔
جو دل سے قائل ہیں کہ ان کی ننانوے فیصد غلطیوں اور غفلتوں کے ذمہ دار دوسرے ہیں۔ اگر وہ یہ یہ یہ یہ نہ کرتے تو ہم بھی وہ وہ وہ نہ کرتے۔ جنہوں نے دماغ کو تاریک قید خانے میں ڈال کر دل کو اس کا دربان مقرر کردیا ہے۔ جو شک کے پانی کو آبِ حیات سمجھتے ہیں۔

Thursday, May 5, 2011

Pakistan Army Faces New Scrutiny both at Home and Abroad (New York Times, 5 May 2011)

Courtesy: "New York Times", 5 May 2011

Pakistani Army, Shaken by Raid, Faces New Scrutiny

ISLAMABAD, Pakistan — The reputation of the army, the most powerful and privileged force in Pakistan, has been severely undermined by the American raid that killed Osama bin Laden, raising profound questions about its credibility from people at home and from benefactors abroad, including the United States.
That American helicopters could fly into Pakistan, carrying a team to kill the world’s most wanted terrorist and then fly out undetected has produced a stunned silence from the military and its intelligence service that some interpret as embarrassment, even humiliation.
There is no doubt that the raid has provoked a crisis of confidence for what was long seen as the one institution that held together a nation dangerously beset by militancy and chronically weak civilian governments.

The aftermath has left Pakistanis to challenge their leadership, and the United States to further question an already frequently distrusted partner.
By Wednesday, members of Parliament, newspaper editorials and Pakistan’s raucous political talk shows were calling for an explanation and challenging the military and intelligence establishment, institutions previously immune to public reproach.
Some were calling for an independent inquiry, focused less on the fact that the world’s most wanted terrorist was discovered in their midst than on whether the military could defend Pakistan’s borders and its nuclear arsenal from being snatched or attacked by the United States or India.
“If these people are found to be incompetent, heads should roll,” said Zafar Hilaly, a prominent newspaper columnist.
Different questions were coming from Pakistan’s neighbors and Western allies, including the United States. In Congress, powerful lawmakers in charge of foreign military assistance delivered scathing assessments of the Pakistani Army as either incompetent or duplicitous, saying that renewed financial support was hardly guaranteed.
In Britain, Prime Minister David Cameron told Parliament it was unbelievable that the Pakistani authorities did not know that Bin Laden was hiding not far from the capital.
But the most urgent question of all is what to do about it, and whether the United States should continue to invest in a Pakistani military whose assurances that it does not work with terrorists carry less weight than ever.
Pakistani officials, who feel betrayed by the United States for not informing them in advance about the raid, are responding more defensively by the day.
The biggest question for Pakistan is whether the event prompts a reconsideration of its security strategy, which has long depended on militant proxies, including groups entwined with Al Qaeda.
American officials are certain to use the fact that Bin Laden had taken shelter in Pakistan to press the country for a clearer break from its past. Both sides have an interest in preserving some form of the status quo. Pakistan would like to keep the billions of dollars in aid that flow from the United States. The United States would like to prevent this nuclear-armed Muslim nation from turning more hostile, hosting terrorist networks and complicating efforts to end the war in Afghanistan. But the challenges ahead were revealed in how the outrage over the Bin Laden raid has cut differently in Pakistan and the United States.
For the United States, it has raised the issue of whether any assurance provided by the Pakistani military can be trusted, including the security of its nuclear arsenal. The army has insisted it is adequately protected from extremists, but has resisted security assistance from the United States that it considers too invasive. “We can press Pakistan until the cows come home on its nuclear program,” said Michael Krepon, a co-founder of the Stimson Center in Washington, which works on programs to reduce nuclear weapons. “But they are not going to do the things that we would like them to do that they don’t want to do.”
In Pakistan, commentators who consider the nuclear weapons the country’s most valued asset have raised another concern: In light of the American operation, are the weapons safe from a raid by the United States, or even India?
Meanwhile, the chief of the army, Gen. Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, and the head of the Inter-Services Intelligence agency, Lt. Gen. Ahmed Shuja Pasha, have remained silent about what they knew or did not know about Bin Laden’s presence.
They have both met with President Asif Ali Zardari since the American raid, but no mention has been made in public of those discussions. Civilian politicians have been virtually absent.
Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani left for France on Tuesday, but said Wednesday that he would cut short his trip and return home. Senior ministers in the cabinet failed to turn up in Parliament to offer any explanations on Tuesday or Wednesday.
Instead, the Foreign Office and the information minister, apparently on orders from the military, issued statements intended to explain the shortcomings.
In Parliament on Wednesday, Information Minister Firdous Ashiq Awan said the American helicopters had evaded detection by radar “due to hilly terrain” and use of “nap of the earth” flying techniques, an account that failed to comfort almost anyone.
The Foreign Office defended the fact that Bin Laden was not detected because the high security walls at his house in Abbottabad were in line with a culture of privacy. These scant explanations fueled more speculation.
One of the military’s biggest advocates, Kamran Khan, a journalist whose nightly television show garners big audiences, led the chorus: “We had the belief that our defense was impenetrable, but look what has happened. Such a massive intrusion and it went undetected.”
Mr. Khan posed the question on many Pakistani minds: “What is the guarantee that our strategic assets and security installations are safe?”
In some Pakistani quarters, the failure of the army and intelligence agencies to detect Bin Laden, or to do anything about him if indeed his presence was known, prompted calls for an overhaul of the nation’s strategic policies.
“Instead of making more India-specific nuclear-capable missiles, the funds and the energy should be directed to eliminating the terrorists,” said an editorial in the newspaper Pakistan Today.
The editor, Arif Nizami, said the American raid made a mockery of the Pakistani military’s bravura that its fighter jets could shoot down American drones. “You talk of taking out drones, and you can’t even take out helicopters,” Mr. Nizami said.
Some Pakistanis said they were more concerned about the fact that known terrorists were living in their midst than the violation of sovereignty by the Americans.
“The terrorists’ being on our soil is the biggest violation of Pakistan’s sovereignty,” said Athar Minallah, a prominent lawyer. “If Osama bin Laden lives in Abbottabad, there could be a terrorist in my neighborhood.”


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Tuesday, May 3, 2011

Has Pakistan's Civil, Military leadership failed totally? - By Ansar Abbasi (The News, 3 May 2011)

Courtesy: Daily "The News", 3 May 2011

Has our civil, military leadership failed totally?
By Ansar AbbasiISLAMABAD: When they told us he is a great Jihadi hero, we treated him like a prince. When they said he is the main architect of 9/11, we blindly believed them and cursed him. When they stated he is the world’s top “terrorist”, he instantly became a terrorist for us too. And now they claim they have killed him within Pakistani territory and have thrown his body into the sea, we also took it as the gospel truth and are jubilant because they are delighted.
Pakistan is really a sold nation. We have truly become America’s voice. We have no decision of our own. We have stopped thinking and acting independently, and we can’t believe Pakistan can survive without Washington’s support.


It was President Obama, who made the announcement of one of the “most successful” operations during his tenure. He confirmed that the US Special Forces conducted the operation against what is claimed as Osama bin Laden’s hideout, just adjacent to Pakistan’s top military academy Kakul in Abbotabad. Our Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani termed it a “great victory” hours after Obama’s announcement but did not feel, even slightly, about the flagrant breach of Pakistan’s sovereignty by the US forces.
The Americans say it was an operation, carried out by 25 US Marines in two fighting helicopters, one of which was shot down but not even a single Marine was injured or dead. We and our rulers buy everything that Washington sells without raising any fundamental question. From which part of Pakistan these helicopters flew and where were the US Marines stationed. Did they come from across the border? In any case, Pakistan’s sovereignty was breached yet again, but it did not bother any of the government or military leader.
According to reports, while the American Special Forces opted to conduct the operations, the Pakistani soldiers were made to cordon off the area to ensure no one interrupted it. A leading Pakistani journalist claims that the operation was a shock for the Pakistan Army, which was not informed prior to it.
Within weeks of the shame Pakistan earned over the Raymond Davis episode, this is yet another serious case of national humiliation that we have attracted at the hands of our civilian and military leadership. Why did the president and prime minister allow foreign troops to conduct a ground operation within Pakistan? Certainly, by doing this they have not violated the oath of their office.
While the political leaders have been generally seen as a “sold commodity”, what is now left for Pakistan’s military establishment to say. Within 48 hours of Army Chief General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani’s statement that the dignity and honour of Pakistan and its people would not be compromised to achieve prosperity, the get-Osama operation was conducted by the US Marines. The nation was in the process of gradually healing up the deep wound inflicted by Davis’ release in a shameful manner that it received a yet another much deeper wound.
It does not matter whether the operation was conducted with the cooperation of the Pakistan Army leadership or without its information, in both cases it’s a charge-sheet against the military establishment. Why should we raise and sustain the world’s seventh largest Army, costing more than Rs600 billion per year, if it could not or does not counter such a foreign invasion?
If Osama was considered a terrorist by the Pakistani government just because of being convinced by Washington’s propaganda, then why was not he apprehended by our own forces? He should have been tried and sentenced here if he was doing anything in violation of the law of the land.
Osama was branded a terrorist by the US after his alleged involvement in the 9/11 attack, which resulted in the killing of a few thousand innocent Americans. So, the principle is that those who kill innocents are terrorists. Therefore, if Osama was a terrorist for his alleged involvement in the 9/11 episode, then following the same principle why the US, which is responsible for killing more than a million innocent Muslims in Afghanistan, Iraq and Pakistan, is not termed a terrorist state?
If Osama, without a trial, could be condemned and killed, then why the killer states involved in the assassination of innocent Muslims in Indian Held Kashmir and Palestinians — India and Israel — are not declared terrorist states for killing innocents.
The Pakistani leadership might have thought that it would pocket more dollars in exchange for the latest shame earned for the nation. But in reality Pakistan might soon find itself between the devil and the deep sea. Instead of getting dollars, the whole world has already started discussing Pakistan as the epicentre of terrorism. And what al-Qaeda and Taliban would do with Pakistan is anybody’s guess.

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